Chairman Bernanke was confirmed for a second term as Chairman of the Federal Reserve with a vote of 70-30 in the Senate. It does not matter that, in standard democratic parlance, this was a comfortable victory. In the context of the post, 30 dissenting votes could be 30 too many. Chairman Bernanke’s speech at the American Economic Association was criticised for its failure to acknowledge the role of monetary policy in creating the housing bubble. I went through the speech transcript and his charts. He was not arrogantly indifferent to the role of the Fed in stoking the housing bubble. He was earnestly trying to defend himself and the Fed.
Interestingly enough, in chart 4, where he tries to show that Fed monetary policy was not too loose between 2002-2006 with his own reconstructed federal funds rate given by the Taylor’s rule – using real times forecasts for inflation, it was clear that the Fed policy was loose (if not ‘too loose’) during the period under discussion. In 2007, it was too tight. The Fed had actually engaged in compensating errors. Policy was too restrictive in 2007 as a compensation for being too loose in the previous five years. Was it a mistaken show of bravado or hawkishness?
Where he erred in that speech was his failure to acknowledge the role that Fed communication played in giving a sense of (needless or false) certainty to the market participants on the path of future rates. Second was the continued reassurance that Fed officials – himself and former Chairman Greenspan – provided to market participants on the housing bubble. They ignored warning signs and kept reassuring every one else that the US economy could not have a national housing bubble.
Another error of omission in the speech was his failure to set an example to the banking industry by admitting to errors. That would have made some in the banking industry reflect on their own failure to acknowledge errors of omission and commission.
For those interested, Mr. Bernanke’s speech at the AEA is here.
That brings me to another point. There are some people who find it convenient to blame only the Fed and the government and completely absolve (or keep quiet) on the role of the so-called private sector. They are among the perceptive observers of the world capital markets. Perhaps, it makes them feel comfortable to blame the public sector and not the private sector for that might be construed as an ‘attack’ on the so-called ‘free markets’. One example is here. Several others that I have read are ‘clients only’ documents.
A refreshing exception is, of course, Christopher Wood of CLSA, based in Hong Kong. He wrote in a special ‘flash’ edition of his well-known ‘Greed & Fear’ (clients only access) thus:
GREED & fear used to write editorials calling for repeal of the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act when working for The Economist in New York in the late 1980s. But at the time a naïve GREED & fear had assumed that repeal of Glass-Steagall would occur in the context of capital markets where at least a certain modicum of market discipline would be allowed to prevail. GREED & fear never expected that investment banks with no depositors would be bailed out in such obscene fashion as happened in the recent past (save for Lehman Brothers) with bond investors taking no hair cut whatsoever.
The simple point is that there was never any case for repeal of Glass-Steagall, or indeed for financial deregulation in general, if the political process was not prepared to contemplate punishing commercial failure in the context of the financial services sector.
But, were banks innocent babes in the wood - lost for direction? Professor Raghuram Rajan is very clear that they were and they are not:
It is hard to have much sympathy for the bankers, who have brought the public’s ire on themselves through incompetence and then through an outrageous haste to pay themselves. [More here]
They bought mortgage lenders and encouraged them to lend aggressively. They securitized those loans and encouraged them to lend even more to feed the securitization pipeline, they lobbied regulators to relax leverage constraints to offset the drag of a flat yield curve from 2005 onwards. They had no idea of risk management. They bought and sold Credit default swaps well in excess of the value of the underlying credit, they were supposedly trying to protect. Some finally said that they did not understand all that was going on. If so, why did they permit it?
These apostles of the private sector should read this short note on lobbying by financial firms.
Now, when the Obama administration tries to put an end to proprietary trading, the defendants of the so-called ‘virtuous private sector’ versus the ‘villainous public sector’ are up in arms against the government intervention. One is amazed at short memories. Without the government, where would these private sector banks be, today? Who incurred all these losses and brought the world to the brink? Governments?
Veteran Jeremy Grantham, in his latest missive, has this to say on the proposed ban on proprietary trading by deposit-taking institutions:
But since we bring it up, of course prop trading was indeed the rot at the heart of our financial problems (see last quarter’s Letter). Watching traders take home their $28 million bonus sent a powerful message to lowly salesmen and packagers of asset-backed securities, for example, to get out there and really take some risk. This rot spread to the very top, and pretty soon chairmen of boards were exhorting CEOs to leverage up and look more like some much more profitable rival that resembled a hedge fund rather than an investment bank. Thus encouraged – or intimidated – some CEOs just kept on dancing right off the cliff. Let’s learn from our near disaster.
Viral Acharya and Matthew Richardson write a sensible piece in the FT:
The main focus of financial reform should be to address such systemic risk. Separating commercial banking and other forms of financial intermediation from proprietary trading is a step in the right direction, since it limits systemic risk without affecting the financial sector’s ability to perform its core functions. [More here]
Prof. Raghuram Rajan takes a different route and simply calls for an end to deposit insurance for banks above a particular size. He is focusing on the issue of size and the conceptual problems associated with defining bank size. He did not dwell on the proposed ban on proprietary trading although the following sentence shows that he does not think highly of it:
Why not phase out deposit insurance as domestic deposits grow beyond a certain size? That would be far more effective in reducing risk than size or activity limits, and far easier to implement.
I would not even wait until the institution grows beyond a certain size. Simply do not provide deposit insurance to those institutions that want to do business beyond plain-vanilla banking, regardless of their size. Depositors would automatically demand a risk-premium for depositing their savings in such institutions or avoid such institutions. Either way, risk-taking by such institutions would then be based less on deposit-insurance-subsidized source of funding and more on funds sourced from the market.
There is no better way to end this post than the article by David Stockman, the former Director of the Office of Management & Budget under Reagan in New York Times recently. It is a masterpiece. Some samples:
… by fixing short-term interest rates at near zero, the Fed planted its heavy boot squarely in the face of depositors, as it shrank the banks’ cost of production — their interest expense on depositor funds — to the vanishing point.
The resulting ultrasteep yield curve for banks is heralded, by a certain breed of Wall Street tout, as a financial miracle cure. Soon, it is claimed, a prodigious upwelling of profitability will repair bank balance sheets and bury toxic waste from the last bubble’s collapse. But will it?
In supplying the banks with free deposit money (effectively, zero-interest loans), the savers of America are taking a $250 billion annual haircut in lost interest income. And the banks, after reaping this ill-deserved windfall, are pleased to pronounce themselves solvent, ignoring the bad loans still on their books. This kind of Robin Hood redistribution in reverse is not sustainable. It requires permanently flooding world markets with cheap dollars — a recipe for the next bubble and financial crisis.
Moreover, rescuing the banks yet again, this time with a steeply sloped yield curve (that is, cheap short-term money and more expensive long-term rates), is not even a proper monetary policy action. It is a vast and capricious reallocation of national income, which would be hooted down in the halls of Congress, were it properly brought to a vote. ….
…… To argue, as some conservatives surely will, that a policy-directed shrinking of big banking is an inappropriate interference in the marketplace is to miss a crucial point: the big Wall Street banks are wards of the state, not private enterprises. During recent quarters, for instance, the preponderant share of Goldman Sachs’ revenues came from trading in bonds, currencies and commodities.
But these profits were not evidence of Mr. Market doing God’s work, greasing the wheels of commerce and trade by facilitating productive financial transactions. In fact, they represented the fruits of hyperactive gambling in the Fed’s monetary casino — a place where the inside players obtain their chips at no cost from the Fed-controlled money markets, and are warned well in advance, by obscure wording changes in the Fed’s policy statements, about any pending shift in the gambling odds. [More here]
Update: These two news reports in BBC, in their different ways, offer hope for encouragement. One is because banks are ‘tone-deaf’, they are going to invite the kind of oversight that they deserve to get and, second, it is encouraging to see that policymakers are neither deaf nor blind. Let us wait to see their actions.
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